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Case Study or Brief

The Lost Working Week

How Extreme Heat Disrupts the World’s Smallest Businesses

Authors Caribou

More than 1 in 5 businesses lose at least one working week to extreme heat every year, but climate adaptation finance has not yet developed a dedicated approach to protecting their working time.

This exploratory research examines the impacts of extreme heat on micro and small enterprises. Caribou partnered with Aareton Blue Africa and Yazi to survey 903 small businesses in August and September 2026. The combined sample covers seven countries: country samples in Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, South Africa, and Uganda, and metropolitan samples in New York, London and South East England, Gauteng, and Lagos.

Building on this research, Caribou is designing an Extreme Heat & Small Business Fund, bringing together funders, investors, implementers, and researchers to test and scale a practical portfolio of solutions that could reduce avoidable business losses and preserve millions of livelihoods.

Date

Version 1.0: 20 September 2026.

The Lost Working Week

Executive summary

Extreme heat is taking working time from the world’s smallest businesses. Lost hours accumulate into lost days, reducing output, interrupting trade, damaging goods, raising costs, and weakening the livelihoods that depend on these enterprises. When heat prevents a proprietor or employee from working, the business may slow down or stop. When customers stay home, goods spoil, or power supplies fail, remaining open may still mean earning less. Addressing extreme heat through small businesses reaches people where they are productive: organizing work, serving customers, managing assets, and generating income. This research brief examines how extreme heat affects that productive activity and what it could take to protect it.

Extreme heat cannot be reduced to a single universal temperature. Its effects depend on humidity, radiant heat, airflow, workload, health, acclimatization, and the ability to reduce exposure. Local expectations also matter because businesses, buildings, and working routines have developed around inherited climate conditions. Yet around the world, across climate zones, climate change is pushing more working time beyond those physiological and practical limits: the share of the global population experiencing at least 90 days of strong heat stress annually rose from 55% in the 1970s to 70% in 2015–2024 1 ; by 2050 many tropical and subtropical regions could experience dangerous Heat Index conditions on one-quarter to one-half of all days. 2

This brief focuses on owner-operated, non-agricultural businesses containing one to nine workers, whether formal or informal. These businesses account for nearly half (46.8%) of non-agricultural employment across a 99-country sample. 3 Evidence from several settings suggests that the smallest businesses are especially vulnerable to rising temperatures. They often have limited financial reserves, little redundancy among workers, and restricted control over their premises, hours, power supply, or surrounding infrastructure. Caribou’s rapid survey of 903 small businesses across seven countries provides a direct business-level view of these pressures. Of participating businesses, 53% reported losing trading time to heat during the previous year, and more than one in five of those asked to count cumulative days closed had lost the equivalent of at least a working week.

These findings show why lost working time deserves greater attention from the climate response. Businesses are already adapting by changing hours, moving work, buying fans or cooling equipment, improving ventilation, protecting stock, and absorbing higher electricity and operating costs. Much of this response is financed from cash flow, household savings, or informal borrowing, and continued spending does not necessarily provide adequate protection. Existing climate and cooling initiatives offer relevant technologies, delivery experience, and financing approaches, but activity remains fragmented. Small businesses have yet to become a consistently recognized unit through which funders, providers, and public institutions organize and evaluate heat adaptation.

Two different businesses, same heat

Extreme heat is taking vital working time from small businesses—the enterprises that underpin economies and support millions of livelihoods around the world. From Lagos to New York, from Ahmedabad to London, people like Kavita and Abeer are trying to keep their doors open but finish each hot day further behind.

Kavita | Ahmedabad, India

Kavita runs a pooja-supplies stall near the Kalupur Swaminarayan temple in Ahmedabad, selling items for Krishna idol worship (clothes, decorations, and related goods). She has been in business there for 10 years out of a makeshift stall built with a tarpaulin/tent-cloth roof rather than a permanent structure.

Ahmedabad’s heat has intensified over the last five years, with temperatures hitting 45–47°C (113–116.6°F) and barely cooling even by midnight. The heat is made worse by humidity after rain. Kavita’s stall has no fan or cooling system, and she suffers real health effects; low stamina, dizziness, fever, vomiting, diarrhea, and headaches that sometimes force her to close and just lie down. The heat also hits her financially: customers avoid stopping at an unshaded stall in peak heat, cutting her customer base by 50% or more and costing her four to five hours of lost business each afternoon.

“After twelve or one o’clock, it goes over 45 [°C]. Then you think: do we stay or not? Because of the heat we lose four or five hours. That’s a big loss for us.”

Abeer | London, UK

Abeer runs Ola–Pinch of Yemen, a street food truck that’s only 2.5 years old and cooks everything fresh to order. The truck includes a grill, cooker, and other appliances, making the business vulnerable to summer heat.

Extreme heat makes the trailer nearly unbearable to work in. Abeer has had to close for a full week (losing that income entirely), suffers headaches and near-fainting, and now manages by taking frequent breaks and drinking water—all while sales drop because fewer customers want to eat out on very hot days. The council doesn’t allow high electrical usage, so Abeer cannot install fans or air conditioners from power outlets. What would help her and other street-food traders most is stronger electricity access to power fans, ventilation, or insulation to make the heat manageable.

“Because of the heat, I had to close for one week, because work was impossible… That week I closed was lost. That’s it. I had to. […] You have to keep going. You can’t stop, you know? I have to pay rent.”

Beyond these individual stories, the sheer scale of the crisis is staggering: during extreme heatwaves, the net earnings of some of the world’s smallest businesses can plunge by an immediate 40%. 4 Extreme heat goes beyond a simple loss of comfort. Rising temperatures impose more frequent physical bottlenecks on operations. Empirical evidence shows that in climate-exposed sectors, businesses can lose up to an hour per worker, per day, once temperatures cross 29.4°C (85°F). 5 Lost hours compound to lost days, and lost days to lost weeks—a severe, involuntary contraction of a small business’s primary productive asset.

This is the moment to identify, finance, and scale practical ways of protecting the working time and livelihoods of small businesses.

Defining extreme heat

Extreme heat and the human body

One way to define extreme heat is to identify conditions above which there is stress or harm to the human body, which works to maintain its core temperature within a relatively narrow range. Above a certain thermal load, people struggle to move, to think, and to work. At higher levels, heat can become fatal.

There is more than one way to measure, compare, and warn people about these thermal loads.

  • One approach comes from occupational safety. An individual’s experience of heat depends on the conditions at that moment, including humidity, radiant heat, airflow, workload, hydration, and rest, as well as on their own physiology. These ambient variables are unified under the Wet Bulb Globe Temperature (WBGT), an empirical index specifically designed for work-activity assessments that integrates air temperature, relative humidity, wind speed (air movement), and radiant heat (such as solar exposure). 6 Because WBGT correlates environmental heat directly with a person’s metabolic physical effort across different occupational intensities, 7 it provides a highly accurate measure of physical work capacity loss. Readings above 28°C (82.4°F) WBGT are widely considered dangerous. 8 Surpassing this threshold impairs internal thermal regulation and triggers a transition from mild behavioral discomfort to severe physiological strain, including heat exhaustion and heat stroke. 9
  • A distinct yet complementary approach comes from climate science. Climatologists and mapping agencies like Europe’s Copernicus rely on the Universal Thermal Climate Index (UTCI) to assess broad geographical population exposure over time. 10 UTCI does not establish rigid industrial safety limits; rather, it is a “feels-like” bio-meteorological model that simulates how a human body dynamically adapts its thermal balance in an open environment. Copernicus designates 32°C (89.6°F) UTCI as the active threshold for “strong heat stress.” UTCI is useful for comparing population-level heat exposure across places and over time, and for identifying where heat-adaptation and public-health resources may be needed. In Pakistan, an initiative supported by the European Space Agency combines daily UTCI data with high-resolution population data to map heat risk nationwide and feed an Asian Development Bank decision-support platform, illustrating how thermal-stress measurement can inform urban adaptation and public-health investment. 11
  • A third approach is perhaps the most straightforward: pick a number. HERA uses a flat 35°C (95°F) absolute air-temperature threshold to communicate immediate urban risks on the ground. 12

These approaches are different. WBGT and UTCI were developed for different purposes and use different scales, while HERA’s 35°C (95°F) measure centers on air temperature. These thresholds should therefore not be compared as if they represented equivalent levels of physiological stress.

Heat vulnerability varies with age, health, acclimatization, workload, fitness, body size, and a person’s ability to reduce their exposure. Evidence on heat and biological sex outside pregnancy is mixed and incomplete. Controlled studies do not consistently show that healthy girls or younger women are inherently less able than comparable boys or men to regulate heat. 13 Newer research, however, suggests that women may reach unsafe physiological limits sooner in middle and older age. 14 Pregnancy is a distinct and well-established period of vulnerability, with heat exposure associated with adverse maternal, fetal, and neonatal outcomes. 15 The wider relationship between sex and heat vulnerability remains unsettled, not least because women are underrepresented in heat-stress research 16 —a gap that should be rectified. As discussed later, gendered patterns of work may also concentrate women in livelihood roles that expose them to greater heat risk and leave them with fewer options for reducing that exposure.

Extreme heat and location

Location matters because a fixed physiological threshold and a locally defined “heatwave” address different experiences. On the Universal Thermal Climate Index, a value of 32°C (89.6°F) or above indicates strong heat stress wherever it occurs. 17 In the 2010s, Ahmedabad experienced these conditions on an average of 316 days a year, nearly seven times New York City’s 46 days. 18 Conditions that are episodic in New York City are therefore routine across much of the year in Ahmedabad. But routine does not mean safe: the same thermal load can strain the human body in either city. Nor does this comparison mean that every strong-heat-stress day in New York City constitutes a heatwave, or that Ahmedabad must cross into a higher UTCI category before experiencing one.

Lagos illustrates the other edge of this changing boundary. Caribou’s analysis indicates that the city experienced an average of 336 strong-heat-stress days a year from 2010 to 2020—more even than Ahmedabad—leaving little room to move work into a cooler season and, on the hottest days, few cooler hours into which it can move. 19 In Lagos State, where 76.3% of employment was informal in 2023, that constraint falls directly on livelihoods and small businesses operating with limited protection or capacity to absorb lost working time. 20

Thus, heatwaves (a different way of describing extremes) are generally defined using locally specific thresholds, reflecting both departure from the climate normally experienced in that place and the persistence of unusually hot conditions across successive days and nights. 21 Historical climates have shaped each city’s infrastructure, working hours, cooling practices, expectations, and understanding of what constitutes “extreme” heat. Put bluntly, conditions that can prompt emergency warnings and front-page headlines in New York City may be an ordinary Tuesday in Ahmedabad or Lagos. However, this does not mean the conditions are benign. Climate change is now pushing beyond the norms inherited in both places—making unusual heat more frequent in some and leaving fewer safe hours for work and recovery where severe heat is already commonplace.

But climate change is undermining these routines, including the rhythm of the working day. 22 Warming is increasing the intensity, reach, and duration of heat stress. More days are crossing dangerous thresholds, and warmer mornings and nights reduce the cooler intervals available for work and recovery. Three signals illustrate the direction and scale of the change:

  • The hottest conditions are getting hotter. A 2026 global UTCI analysis finds that the hottest daytime and night-time “feels-like” conditions have warmed by approximately 0.3°C (32.54°F) per decade since the 1970s. 23
  • More people face both sustained and extreme heat stress. The share of the global population experiencing at least 90 days of strong heat stress annually—UTCI at or above 32°C (89.6°F)—rose from 55% in the 1970s to 70% in 2015–2024. Separately, the share experiencing at least one day of extreme heat stress—UTCI at or above 46°C (114.8°F)—rose from 16% to 22%, representing approximately one billion additional people. 24
  • The number of dangerous days is projected to increase sharply. By 2050, many tropical and subtropical regions could experience dangerous Heat Index conditions on one-quarter to one-half of all days. 25

In this brief, “extreme heat” does not refer to a single universal temperature. It refers to conditions that push beyond the physiological and practical limits within which people and small businesses can work safely and effectively. That boundary moves: it depends on the person, the intensity of the work, humidity, radiant heat, airflow, acclimatization, and the infrastructure and routines that have developed around a place’s historical climate. A temperature can therefore be dangerous without being locally unusual, or locally extreme before it crosses a universal physiological threshold. No one number fully expresses extreme heat. Hot places start with greater absolute exposure; historically cooler places often start with less heat-ready infrastructure. Climate change is pressing on both vulnerabilities. Across the measures and cities examined here—from New York and London to Ahmedabad and Lagos—the direction of travel is unmistakable: the number of hours, days, and weeks that become too hot for business as usual is increasing.

The heat threshold differs among people, activities, and places, but the pattern is shared: as conditions warm, more working time is pushed beyond the range around which businesses, buildings, and daily routines were formed.

In sum, while both precise definitions and personal experiences of heat may vary, the direction of travel is clear and concerning. People, households, and businesses will spend more days each year under conditions experienced as extreme heat. Hot places start with greater absolute exposure; historically cooler places often start with less heat-ready infrastructure. Yet both are being pushed away from the conditions around which they formed.

Defining micro and small enterprises

Heat impacts almost every element of human society. This brief focuses on small businesses, because a large share of the world earns a living through self-employment and small enterprises.

“Micro and small enterprises” (MSEs) is the formal term for this target population, and “small businesses” is its plain-language equivalent. Both terms refer to owner-operated, non-agricultural enterprises containing one to nine workers, formal or informal. The categories “small and medium-sized enterprises” (SMEs) and “micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises” (MSMEs) include larger enterprises of up to 300 employees, and so are not used in this research. Additionally, “micro-enterprise” on its own can imply only the smallest, self-employed end of a population that also includes businesses supporting employees; thus, the combined term MSEs is used. Building on ILO data, Caribou estimates that MSEs of this size account for nearly half (46.8%) of non-agricultural employment across the ILO’s 99-country sample. 26

These definitions come with two important caveats:

  1. Primary agricultural production—including crop farming, livestock, forestry, fishing, and smallholder farms—is outside the target population. Agricultural evidence may still be used where it illuminates shared exposure or response mechanisms, but it should be identified as adjacent rather than treated as evidence about the target itself. Non-agricultural agrifood businesses—including processing, storage, transport, repair, food service, trade, and retail—remain in scope.
  2. The distinction between a formal, registered enterprise and an informal self-employed person can be blurry. At one end is someone earning income independently, with little distinction between household and business finances. At the other is a registered enterprise with separate books and, perhaps, several employees. Both ways of earning a living matter in the overall tapestry of the economy, and both remain in scope. The center of analytical focus, however, is the more distinct enterprises, particularly those that support employees.

The world of small business is large and diverse, encompassing retail shops, traders, wholesalers, transport providers, small-scale manufacturers, service businesses, and hundreds of other vocations. The resilience of these businesses is therefore important to livelihoods and to the wider functioning of the economies in which they operate.

Many small businesses face recurring constraints: limited access to finance 27 ; low productivity, partly due to limited management capabilities and business practices 28 ; and difficulty acquiring skills or recruiting suitable employees. 29 These constraints vary by country, sector, and enabling environment, but together they can leave MSEs with limited financial and operational buffers.

How small businesses experience heat

Extreme heat reaches small businesses through several pathways. It acts on the people who run and staff them, the customers who sustain them, the goods they sell, and the power and cash they depend on. This section sets out existing research about each of those pathways, then turns to what small businesses themselves reported. Before examining those pathways, it is important to establish why the resulting disruption is likely to fall hardest on the smallest businesses.

Heat hits smaller businesses harder

Evidence suggests that smaller businesses are more vulnerable to losses in productivity and revenue as temperatures rise.

  • In Indonesia, a 1°C (33.8°F) increase in average temperature was associated with a fall of up to 22% in revenue per worker among household micro-enterprises, while firms with ten or more workers experienced no statistically significant loss. 30
  • An analysis of more than 2.7 million firms across 23 advanced economies found that high temperature days and heatwaves reduce labor productivity more severely among the smallest firms. Ten additional days above 35°C (95°F) were associated with a 0.3% reduction in annual labor productivity. An extra heatwave lasting at least five days was associated with a 0.2% reduction. 31
  • Globally, the ILO estimates that heat stress could reduce total working hours by 2.2% by 2030, equivalent to 80 million full-time jobs. With agriculture accounting for about 60% of the projected loss, these totals provide context rather than estimates for the non-agricultural businesses examined here. 32

Together, this evidence points to a double disadvantage for MSEs: they appear to lose more when temperatures rise, and they often have less room to absorb the disruption. 33 Where a proprietor or small group of employees covers several business functions, lost working time can affect the whole operation. Heat does not create all the underlying financial and operational constraints small businesses face, but it can make them harder to manage.

How heat exposure leads to business losses

Small businesses experience heat in several modes, distinguished by enclosure and access to air conditioning. These are neither fixed market categories nor stages, but rather, fluid context-based segments. An enclosed business without air conditioning may be kept cooler through passive design, ventilation, fans, or other low-energy measures, while an air-conditioned business may become dangerously hot during a power cut. Nonetheless, these segments distinguish different patterns of exposure and different options for responding.

  • Outdoor businesses: Most earning activity takes place outdoors or in open structures, as with roaming traders, motorcycle transport providers, roadside vendors, and market traders. These businesses have little control over ambient and radiant heat, especially when work takes place in direct sunlight. Protection therefore tends to be portable, shared, or place-based, including shade, canopies, airflow, hydration, rest, and changes to working hours. 34 Heat can therefore reduce the usable earning hours in the day. 35
  • Enclosed businesses without air conditioning: Most activity takes place within a bounded space without air conditioning, such as market stalls, kiosks, workshops, offices, and storefronts. Enclosure may provide shelter from direct sun while trapping heat and limiting airflow. But these businesses need not remain uncooled. Their roofs, walls, openings, equipment, and energy supply create opportunities for external shade, cool roofs, better ventilation, efficient fans, evaporative cooling where appropriate, and selective cooling. This is a particularly important opportunity to protect working capacity without making conventional air conditioning the default response.
  • Businesses with air conditioning: Air conditioning can protect working capacity, health, and temperature-sensitive goods, although heat exposure outside the workplace can still contribute to absent employees and missing customers. 36 Protection depends on affordable equipment, reliable electricity, maintenance, and efficient technology. A power cut, equipment failure, or unaffordable electricity bill can return a business abruptly to the heat. The challenge is to make air conditioning efficient, reliable, affordable, and increasingly powered by lower-carbon electricity where it is needed.

Cooling solutions across all three environments are easier to deploy where businesses have reliable grid electricity, but this cannot be assumed. If the current pace of electrification continues, 660 million people, most of them in Africa, will remain without electricity in 2030. Where cooling requires power, businesses may instead depend on solar home systems, mini-grids, or generators. In these settings, the power supply shapes which forms of protection are within reach, while appliance efficiency determines whether equipment such as a fan or refrigerator can run on the power available. 37

These segments describe where and under what conditions businesses operate. Across all three, heat becomes business loss through four overlapping pathways: the people who keep a business operating, the customers who sustain it, the goods it sells, and the power it relies on and costs it must absorb.

Workers

Heat reduces the hours available for physical work. In a solo enterprise, every hour in which the proprietor cannot work may also be an hour in which the business cannot trade. In an enterprise with several employees, lost working time may mean slower output, reduced service, shorter opening hours, or closure.

  • Daily surveys of nearly 400 informal workers in Delhi found net earnings are roughly 40% lower on heatwave days. The same research estimates that, over a year, outdoor informal workers in urban India lose approximately 24 workdays due to heat-related illness, reduced productivity, and workplace closure, while workers in poorly ventilated indoor workplaces lose nearly 15. These are estimates of worker-days rather than business operating days, but they show how heat can reduce the labor available to the smallest enterprises. 38
  • In Indian manufacturing, climate control on the factory floor protected output per worker but did not eliminate absenteeism, because workers remained exposed at home and outside the workplace. 39
  • Time-use evidence from the United States shows workers reallocate time away from exposed labor on hot days. 40

Customers

Heat also changes who shops, when they shop, and where they shop.

  • Research on transactions from Seoul finds that heatwaves shift consumption between online and offline channels rather than uniformly reducing it. 41
  • During the June and July 2026 UK heatwaves, high-street footfall fell by 6.2% and 3.8% year on year, while air-conditioned shopping centres and retail parks declined far less or held steady. Online sales reached their highest share of the year. 42

Goods

For businesses that handle perishable goods, heat directly threatens stock and increases the importance of refrigeration and cold storage.

  • For indigenous-crop vendors in Durban, South Africa, crop perishability was a statistically significant predictor of income loss, while limited storage access was associated with substantial but only marginally significant additional losses. The study examined several compound shocks rather than isolating the effects of heat, so it supports the perishability and storage mechanism rather than providing direct evidence of a heat effect. 43
  • Fewer than 10% of perishable foods worldwide have access to a cold chain, the temperature-controlled storage and transport system that keeps goods fresh, and at least a quarter of food produced in developing countries is lost for want of one. 44

Power and costs

Cooling is itself an operating cost, one that rises when temperatures and cooling needs are greatest. Growing demand for mechanical cooling can strain electricity grids during peak periods, leaving businesses that depend on refrigeration or air conditioning exposed to both higher costs and interruption risk. 45 Where the grid is absent or unreliable, efficiency matters twice. An efficient appliance costs less to run, and it needs a smaller solar system or less generator fuel to run at all. 46

Small businesses describe the impact of extreme heat

To examine how these pathways appear in practice, in August and September 2026 Caribou partnered with two longstanding research collaborators, Aareton Blue Africa and Yazi, to survey 903 small businesses. The combined sample covers seven countries: country samples in Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, South Africa, and Uganda, and metropolitan samples in New York City, London and South East England, Gauteng, and Lagos. The partners used complementary, convenience-based recruitment approaches to reach a varied set of enterprises, including outdoor and mobile traders as well as businesses operating primarily from fixed premises.

As a rapid first inquiry, the research provides a direct business-level view of how extreme heat is affecting operating time, working capacity, customers, goods, costs, and responses. Further research should use harmonized instruments and representative sampling to more consistently measure lost working time and capture power reliability, workplace conditions, cooling and appliance use, and the costs of adaptation. This approach would help distinguish recurring experiences within these samples from wider patterns and support the design of interventions around how small businesses actually operate. 47

Trading hours

Of participating businesses, 53% reported losing trading time to heat in the previous year. This includes days closed and shorter interruptions such as late opening, midday closure, or early finishing. Among the 507 businesses asked to count cumulative days closed, more than one in five had lost the equivalent of at least a working week. Interruption was reported in every country sample, from 46% in Kenya to 74% in Malawi, and at similar rates by solo businesses and those with six or more people (53% and 48%). A lost week rarely means one continuous closure. Repeated short interruptions accumulate into a material reduction in the time available to generate income.

“It was very hot from 7 in the morning. When it got to 11 the heat started to get extreme, and my business partner and colleagues and I agreed that we would finish the clients we were doing, close down the shop, and go home. Everybody felt like they were getting dehydrated, so we decided for our own good and our own health that we should close.”
—Hair and beauty salon, 2–5 workers, Gauteng, South Africa

“The last time it was so hot, I had to close my entire business, because my tools were so hot I could not even touch them to repair the vehicles. I closed for the day and continued when the weather was cool in the evening.”
—Automotive repair shop, 2–5 workers, Gauteng, South Africa

Workers

A business can remain open while the people running it struggle to sustain output or service. One in three participating businesses reported that the owner or staff had felt unwell or worked more slowly because of hot weather. Among businesses reporting no trading interruption at all, 27% still reported absences. The burden rises with the number of people involved: 27% of solo small businesses reported reduced working capacity, compared with 37% of small businesses working with others and 48% of those with six or more people.

Where a business employs others, protecting working capacity is just as important as protecting trading hours. In London and South East England, 64% of participating businesses reported the owner or staff feeling unwell or working more slowly during the previous year, the highest share in any sample.

“We had to close numerous days because it was just too hot. The guys were ready to pass out, starting to get sick. There was really no way for us to continue without putting my guys at risk. It was over 100 a few times with high humidity; people’s bodies just couldn’t take it.”
—Services business moving heavy items, 2–5 workers, New York City, USA

“The last time the weather was really hot it made us sweaty, and we all got the heat flu and the heat rash. It was difficult for us to work, and the customers decided they would rather come back later, at night. Because the customer is always right, we had to work at night.”
—Hair and beauty salon, 2–5 workers, Gauteng, South Africa

“By midday clients were drenched under the capes. Our clippers were getting too hot to touch, and cutting clean fades was basically impossible with hair sticking to sweaty necks. People waiting walked out. We had to turn away our evening walk-ins and lost nearly half our weekend earnings.”
—Barbershop, 2–5 workers, Lagos, Nigeria

Customers

Of participating businesses, 31% reported fewer customers because of heat. The effect was not uniformly negative; 14% reported more customers or higher sales during hot weather. Fewer customers were reported at similar rates by outdoor businesses and by enclosed businesses with or without air conditioning, and correlated with lost trading time. What a business sells, when customers need it, and the conditions in which they make purchases shape whether heat redistributes demand or removes it.

“The hot weather prevented my customers from coming during the day. Most of them visit in the evening when the weather is cool. Customers who come from far away believe it is better to get an alternative nearby rather than come down to my store.”
—Electronics shop, 2–5 workers, Lagos, Nigeria

“We’ve invested over £6,000 in air conditioning. Internally, not a problem; externally a big problem, because no customers came. […] We are unable to control the lack of footfall when customers choose to stay in their homes, so we are looking at offering free delivery during extreme heat events. Trade during the 2026 extreme heat events was down by 25%.”
—Retail shop, 6–9 workers, London and South East England

Goods

One in five participating businesses, 20%, reported stock spoiling or being damaged due to heat. Stock losses are related to a business’s offerings rather than a business’s location.

  • Food and drink businesses were most likely to report spoilage at 41%, compared to 16% of other businesses, a gap of about 20 percentage points after accounting for sampling context, business size, and the gender of the owner. Among the 396 businesses asked whether they handle goods that must stay cold or fresh, 38% reported spoilage, compared to 1% of the rest.
  • Within food and retail, spoilage was reported by roughly one-third of businesses whether they traded outdoors or from enclosed premises without air conditioning.
  • Among services and trades, fewer than one in ten businesses across all settings reported stock losses.

Businesses with air conditioning were far more likely to have bought or upgraded refrigeration, ice, or cold storage (60%, compared to 7% of other businesses). Investment and continuing loss are correlated, suggesting that adoption alone is an incomplete measure of protection. These businesses may face greater underlying exposure, may have invested in response to past losses, or may still lack reliable and sufficient cooling. Continued spoilage may also reflect equipment that underperforms in high heat or during power interruptions, a question independent product testing can help answer.

“My inverter [backup power] refused to come up. My fridge defrosted and everything inside was messed up, so I lost the whole box. I lost fish, I lost chicken. […] It makes all my perishable items defrost, which forces me to sell at a discount so as not to have a massive capital loss.”
—Food business, 2–5 workers, Lagos, Nigeria

“My food was spoiled because my refrigerator stopped working. I realised in the afternoon, but the food had already spoiled, so I had to close the business that day. In fact I had to close for about five days because I had to replace the refrigerator. I could not sell spoiled food to people.”
—Food business, 6–9 workers, Gauteng, South Africa

Power and costs

Of participating businesses, 37% reported spending more on cooling, ice, or electricity because of heat. Uninterrupted trading does not mean the absence of loss: among the 419 businesses that reported no trading interruption, 39% reported such higher costs. A business that keeps its doors open may therefore end up with a smaller margin. Higher costs were most common where cooling was already part of the operation. Outdoor businesses reported them least often (22%), enclosed businesses without air conditioning more often (36%), and air-conditioned businesses most often (45%). The indoor versus outdoor gap remains around 11 percentage points after adjustment for factors such as country and sector.

Power is another constraint. One in five businesses reported that power cuts had stopped work, rising to 37% in the South African sample. Among businesses reporting power-cut interruptions, stock damage was the heat-related harm most commonly reported alongside them.

“There was no light. It made me spend more buying fuel just to cool my drinks, because people love buying cold drinks and cold water then. So I spent more on fuel, putting on the generator, just to make sure I have cold drinks and cold water in my refrigerator.”
—Retail shop, 2–5 workers, Lagos, Nigeria

“If there’s no electricity, we cannot work or operate that day or half a day. We have had to invest in backup power supplies like UPS and inverters, which cost a fortune. […] A neighbour hired someone to illegally connect electricity so they could run air conditioning. This caused an overload and the transformer exploded, leaving us without electricity for a few days.”
—Online services, 2–5 workers, Gauteng, South Africa

Capacity to respond

Participating businesses were already responding to heat. Seven in ten reported at least one of five responses provided: investing in cooling, shade, or cool roofing (42%); buying or upgrading ice, refrigeration, or cold storage (31%); changing working hours; using heat warnings; or changing what they sell. Capacity to respond was uneven and most clearly correlated with business size. Small businesses with two to five people reported 0.4 more coping categories than solo businesses, and businesses with six or more people 0.7 more, after accounting for sampling context, gender, and broad sector. This relationship holds across every country and business sector.

Affordability concerns are similarly distributed: overall, around one in ten businesses stated they could not afford a response to heat. That share was 14% among solo businesses, but just 2% among those with six or more people.

“It was so hot and my staff were uncomfortable that we had to close the business early. We’re looking into air conditioning, but we’re in a listed building and it’s an expensive option. Because we’d closed early we lost business calls. People reported having been unable to contact us.”
—Legal services, 10–15 workers, London and South East England

“There’s only five of us, and we have to pop money out of our own pockets. We don’t rely much on the government because you can wait three days to find funding. So we end up putting in our own money, which is very stressful, and imagine putting your own money in only to lose it because of this extreme heat.”
—Hair and beauty business, 2–5 workers, Gauteng, South Africa

“Most times during hot weather there’s no light to refrigerate things, and customers tend not to buy when they are too hot. The things I keep in the freezer spoil, but I have bought solar, which helps with cooling and keeping my things fresh.”
—Food business, 2–5 workers, Lagos, Nigeria

Gender, heat, and the smallest businesses

Extreme heat can affect women and men differently, but not through one universal pathway. Under some conditions, women may experience more acute physiological strain. Biological sex can influence thermoregulation, while pregnancy is a well-established period of additional vulnerability. 48 Outside pregnancy, the evidence is mixed and incomplete, particularly because women remain underrepresented in research on occupational performance in heat. 49  Age, health, fitness, acclimatization, workload, and clothing also shape individual risk.

Women entrepreneurs are disproportionately concentrated among the smallest, most informal, and often home-based enterprises. IFC evidence suggests that women own approximately one-third of micro-firms and one-third of small firms in developing countries, compared with about one-fifth of medium-sized firms. 50 In Africa, factor- and efficiency-driven economies in Asia, and Latin America and the Caribbean, around three-quarters of women entrepreneurs operated in consumer-oriented sectors. Across the report’s full sample, the corresponding share among men was 45%. 51

In practice, business size, sector, informality, location, and access to resources overlap, concentrating several forms of vulnerability in the same enterprises. Research on female-led MSMEs in semi-arid Kenya found that gendered restrictions on access to land, capital, markets, technology, and education reduced businesses’ capacity to adapt. Some owners coped by reducing activity or selling assets, with consequences that included lower profits and weaker long-term resilience. 52 More recent evidence across India, Kenya, and Uganda finds that women-led nano enterprises show lower resilience to shocks than women-led micro-enterprises, suggesting that vulnerability increases at the smallest end of the enterprise spectrum. 53 Climate vulnerability can therefore reinforce existing disadvantages, leaving many women-led businesses with less control over their working conditions and fewer resources with which to absorb or adapt to a lost working day.

“Meetings were cancelled by clients, and my child’s school was closed because the school couldn’t cope with the heat. Therefore I lost time from working because my son was at home.”
—Event organiser, women-owned solo business, London and South East England

In these ways, gender shapes business exposure through enterprise type and scale, working conditions, and available resources. Of the 471 women-run businesses in the sample, 58% reported losing trading time to heat, compared with 49% of the 428 men-run businesses. After accounting for sampling context, business size, and broad sector, the difference remained about 8 percentage points. It appeared in eight of nine sampling contexts, every business-size segment and, where recorded, all workplace-exposure categories.

Women-run businesses also reported stock damage more often (24% vs. 16%), partly reflecting their greater concentration in food and drink businesses and among those handling goods that must stay cold. After accounting for sector and business size, this difference narrows to about 5 percentage points and is not statistically significant. Women-run businesses were at least as likely to report taking action (75% vs. 70%), while affordability was equally likely to be reported as a barrier (9%). Yet they continued to report more interruption, suggesting that these responses did not provide adequate protection.

Temporary disruptions add up to lasting loss

The immediate effects of extreme heat often appear temporary: a late opening, a slower afternoon, spoiled stock, or an additional electricity bill. Repeated across a season, however, these disruptions can reduce revenue, consume financial buffers, and weaken a business’s capacity to manage the next episode.

Financial resilience often determines whether a business can absorb a temporary loss or whether its effects persist, leaving the business less able to cope with the next hot period.In low- and lower-middle-income countries, a World Bank analysis of nearly 160,000 firms estimates that a one-standard-deviation increase in annual temperature relative to local historical averages reduces revenues by 30% among firms with limited access to finance, compared with 23% among firms with high access to finance. 54 Climate insurance offers one way to protect that resilience by transferring some of the loss that remains after a business has reduced its direct exposure. Parametric heat insurance, for example, makes a predetermined payment when an agreed temperature threshold is crossed. It can provide support quickly, although the payout may not correspond to the business’s actual loss if the trigger is poorly matched to its experience. 55

Caribou, with Yazi and Aareton Blue Africa, found that formal financial protection remained uncommon among participating businesses. We asked a subset of the participating business about their financial responses to heat. Of those, 26% reported borrowing or drawing on savings to cope with extreme heat. Just 3% reported buying insurance that pays out for heat. These responses distribute loss differently. Insurance can transfer part of the residual risk, while borrowing and the use of savings leave the business or household absorbing the cost. Debt creates obligations that continue after temperatures fall, and savings used during one hot period are no longer available for the next.

“When temperatures were hitting the 30s, I was unable to work past 8:30 or 9 in the morning. I have to cancel the rest of my day and lose all the money I would have earned. […] I never managed to make the money back. I just have to take it as a loss. I can’t physically fit in enough additional clients, so if I have to cancel that much, I just lose all the money and never make it back.”
—Dog walker, solo business, London and South East England

“I needed to invest in getting the vehicles’ air conditioning fixed, although I couldn’t fix all of them. I got a break because we went into winter, but now that we are headed into summer I need to find resources or funding to fix the remaining ones.”
—Logistics and distribution, 6–9 workers, Gauteng, South Africa

Business disruption can also increase time required for unpaid water collection, domestic care, and household work. These pressures may be especially consequential for women entrepreneurs, who are concentrated among many of the smallest, most informal, and least financially buffered enterprises.

For the smallest businesses, lost hours can accumulate into lost days, and lost days into weeks. More than one in five businesses participating in the research reported heat-related closures equivalent to at least a full working week over the previous year. The consequences can extend beyond the period of closure. Income forgone, stock spoiled, additional costs absorbed, savings spent, and debt taken on can weaken businesses and the livelihoods they support, long after a heatwave abates. Indeed, the next heatwave may arrive before those businesses have recovered from the last. Repeated often enough, this cycle risks widening the gap between the smallest businesses and better-capitalized competitors. Some may fall further behind; others may cease trading altogether. Neither the climate nor the financial inclusion communities can afford to leave the world’s smallest businesses to face this hotter future alone. The people whose livelihoods depend on them cannot afford it, the economies they sustain cannot afford it, and the climate response cannot afford to exclude them. The moment to act is now.

Acting is harder than it sounds. Small businesses are already adapting with what they have: changing hours, adding shade and ventilation, buying fans and cooling equipment, protecting stock, absorbing higher electricity bills. Much of this is paid for from cash flow, savings, or informal borrowing, and spending does not always buy protection that lasts. The central challenge is one of reach. These are millions of heterogeneous enterprises, many with limited capacity to spend on protection, and they cannot be reached one business at a time. Meeting them will require protection that is affordable for a business working on thin margins and viable for whoever provides, finances and maintains it. That is the question this research leaves open, and the one we want to work on with others.

  1. The study defines “strong heat stress” as a Universal Thermal Climate Index of at least 32°C (89.6°F). Rebecca Emerton et al., “Global Heat Stress Intensification and Its Expanding Footprint on the Human Population,” Nature Climate Change 16, no. 8 (2026): 989–96.
  2. The study’s “dangerous” Heat Index threshold is 39.4°C (103°F). Lucas R. Vargas Zeppetello et al., “Probabilistic Projections of Increased Heat Stress Driven by Climate Change,” Communications Earth & Environment 3, no. 1 (2022): 183.
  3. International Labour Organization, Small Matters: Global Evidence on the Contribution to Employment by the Self-Employed, Micro-Enterprises and SMEs (Geneva, 2019).
  4. Saudamini Das and E. Somanathan, “Heat Causes Large Earnings Losses for Informal-Sector Workers in India,” Environmental Research Letters 19, no. 12 (2024): 124019.
  5. Joshua Graff Zivin and Matthew Neidell, “Temperature and the Allocation of Time: Implications for Climate Change,” Journal of Labor Economics 32, no. 1 (2014): 1–26.
  6. International Labour Organization, Working on a Warmer Planet: The Effect of Heat Stress on Productivity and Decent Work (2019), p. 13. See also Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN and World Meteorological Organization, Extreme Heat and Agriculture: FAO–WMO Joint Report (FAO and WMO, 2026), sec. 1.2.
  7. International Labour Organization, Working on a Warmer Planet: The Effect of Heat Stress on Productivity and Decent Work (2019), appendix 1.
  8. Lucy Siers, “Also In Play: Heat Stress Beyond the Pitch,” NYU Stern Center for Business and Human Rights, July 27, 2026.
  9. International Labour Organization, Ensuring Safety and Health at Work in a Changing Climate (2024), p. 22.
  10. Copernicus, “Global Study Reveals How Heat Stress Is Intensifying Worldwide,” July 15, 2026. See also International Labour Organization, Working on a Warmer Planet: The Effect of Heat Stress on Productivity and Decent Work (2019), pp. 13, 89.
  11. Victoria-Leandra Brunn and Lennart Meine, “Monitoring Heat Risk in Pakistan: Rapid Scale up of Global Satellite Insights for Heat Affected Countries,” Global Development Assistance, August 19, 2026.
  12. HERA, Counting the Cost of Heat: The Case for Urgent Solutions for Cities: Summary Report (2026), p. 15. See also HERA’s City Heat Solutions Calculator.
  13. R. Yanovich et al., “Sex Differences in Human Thermoregulation: Relevance for 2020 and Beyond,” Physiology 35, no. 3 (2020): 177–84; Thomas H. Topham et al., “Biological Sex Does Not Independently Influence Core Temperature Change and Sweating of Children Exercising in Uncompensable Heat Stress,” Journal of Applied Physiology 136, no. 6 (2024): 1440–49.
  14. Olivia K. Leach et al., “Sex Differences in Heat Stress Vulnerability among Middle-Aged and Older Adults (PSU HEAT Project),” American Journal of Physiology-Regulatory, Integrative and Comparative Physiology 327, no. 3 (2024).
  15. Darshnika P. Lakhoo et al., “A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Heat Exposure Impacts on Maternal, Fetal and Neonatal Health,” Nature Medicine 31 (2025): 684–94.
  16. C. Brimicombe et al., “Vulnerable to Heat Stress: Gaps in International Standard Metric Thresholds,” International Journal of Biometeorology 68, no. 12 (2024): 2495–506.
  17. European Environment Agency, “High UTCI Days,” European Climate Data Explorer, accessed September 14, 2026.
  18. Caribou analysis of UTCI data from Claudia Di Napoli et al., “ERA5-HEAT: A Global Gridded Historical Dataset of Human Thermal Comfort Indices from Climate Reanalysis,” Geoscience Data Journal 8, no. 1 (2021): 2–10. Data was  accessed through the European Commission Joint Research Centre’s Global Human Settlement Urban Centre Database; figures represent average annual days at or above 32°C (89.6°F) UTCI across the decade to 2020.
  19. Caribou analysis of UTCI data from Claudia Di Napoli et al., “ERA5-HEAT: A Global Gridded Historical Dataset of Human Thermal Comfort Indices from Climate Reanalysis,” Geoscience Data Journal 8, no. 1 (2021): 2–10. Data was  accessed through the European Commission Joint Research Centre’s Global Human Settlement Urban Centre Database; figures represent average annual days at or above 32°C (89.6°F) UTCI across the decade to 2020, calculated for the Lagos urban center boundary.
  20. Lagos State Employment Trust Fund, Analysis of the 2023 Annual Labour Force Survey Report: Lagos State in Perspective (2024).
  21. World Meteorological Organization, “Extreme Heat,” March 10, 2023.
  22. Rebecca Emerton et al., “Global Heat Stress Intensification and Its Expanding Footprint on the Human Population,” Nature Climate Change 16, no. 8 (2026): 989–96.
  23. Copernicus, “Global Study Reveals How Heat Stress Is Intensifying Worldwide,” July 15, 2026. Some subtropical regions now experience as many as 50 additional strong-to-extreme heat-stress days annually compared with the 1970s, meaning that roughly one billion more people experience at least one day of extreme heat stress. Rebecca Emerton et al., “Global Heat Stress Intensification and Its Expanding Footprint on the Human Population,” Nature Climate Change 16, no. 8 (2026): 989–96.
  24. Rebecca Emerton et al., “Global Heat Stress Intensification and Its Expanding Footprint on the Human Population,” Nature Climate Change 16, no. 8 (2026): 989–96.
  25. By 2100, many midlatitude regions are projected to experience dangerous Heat Index conditions on between 15 and 90 days annually. Lucas R. Vargas Zeppetello et al., “Probabilistic Projections of Increased Heat Stress Driven by Climate Change,” Communications Earth & Environment 3, no. 1 (2022): 183.
  26. Caribou’s central estimate is 46.8% of non-agricultural employment, with a range of 40.1% to 60.0%. This is equivalent to 36.7% of total employment (including agriculture), with a range of 31.5% to 43.1%, across the sample. The calculation uses data from the ILO’s Small Matters report weighted using 2018 World Bank labor-force data. It is a Caribou-derived estimate, not an ILO-published global statistic. The upper end of the range is illustrative rather than precise. The underlying data also do not consistently distinguish private businesses from public-sector workplaces, so the estimate may include some government employees. International Labour Organization, Small Matters: Global Evidence on the Contribution to Employment by the Self-Employed, Micro-Enterprises and SMEs (Geneva, 2019), pp. 5–8.
  27. Veselin Kuntchev et al., “What Have We Learned from the Enterprise Surveys Regarding Access to Credit by SMEs?,” World Bank Policy Research Working Paper No. 6670, October 2013.
  28. Donald C. Mead and Carl Liedholm, “The Dynamics of Micro and Small Enterprises in Developing Countries,” World Development 26, no. 1 (1998): 61–74; David McKenzie and Christopher Woodruff, “Business Practices in Small Firms in Developing Countries,” Management Science 63, no. 9 (2017): 2967–81.
  29. Christopher Woodruff, “Addressing Constraints to Small and Growing Businesses,” International Growth Centre, October 2018.
  30. Elan Satriawan et al., “Productivity Impact of Temperature Change: Evidence from Indonesia Household-Based Enterprises Survey,” Environment and Development Economics (April 22, 2026).
  31. Hélia Costa et al., “The Heat Is On: Heat Stress, Productivity and Adaptation among Firms,” OECD Economics Department Working Papers No. 1828, December 11, 2024.
  32. International Labour Organization, Working on a Warmer Planet: The Effect of Heat Stress on Productivity and Decent Work (2019), pp. 21–24, 85.
  33. Elan Satriawan et al., “Productivity Impact of Temperature Change: Evidence from Indonesia Household-Based Enterprises Survey,” Environment and Development Economics (April 22, 2026); Hélia Costa et al., “The Heat Is On: Heat Stress, Productivity and Adaptation among Firms,” OECD Economics Department Working Papers No. 1828, December 11, 2024.
  34. International Labour Organization, Working on a Warmer Planet: The Effect of Heat Stress on Productivity and Decent Work (2019), pp. 21–24, 85. This study focuses on non-agricultural MSEs. Primary agricultural production, including smallholder farms, falls outside the target population. Nonetheless, farms share several exposure and response characteristics with outdoor enterprises, and agricultural evidence is used where it helps illuminate those mechanisms. Full afternoon sun can add approximately 2–3°C (35.6–37.4°F) to wet-bulb globe temperature compared with shade.
  35. Analysis of US time-use data found that when daily maximum temperatures rose above 29.4°C (85°F), workers shifted up to an hour away from outdoor work toward indoor activity. Joshua Graff Zivin and Matthew Neidell, “Temperature and the Allocation of Time: Implications for Climate Change,” Journal of Labor Economics 32, no. 1 (2014): 1–26.
  36. Evidence from Indian manufacturing found that workplace climate control eliminated the observed decline in on-site productivity but did not eliminate heat-related absenteeism, probably because workers remained exposed at home and outside the workplace. E. Somanathan et al., “The Impact of Temperature on Productivity and Labor Supply: Evidence from Indian Manufacturing,” Journal of Political Economy 129, no. 6 (2021): 1797–827.
  37. Evidence from informal workers in urban India illustrates why enclosure should not be equated with protection. Outdoor workers lost an estimated 24.29 worker-days annually through illness, reduced productivity, and workplace closure, while workers in poorly ventilated indoor workplaces lost 14.78. These are worker-day equivalents rather than business operating days, and the evidence should be treated as adjacent to the target population in this brief. International Institute for Environment and Development, Too Hot to Work, Too Poor to Rest: Health and Economic Impacts of Heat Stress on Informal Workers in Urban India (2026).
  38. Efficiency for Access, Leave No One Behind: Bridging the Energy Access Gap with Innovative Off-Grid Energy Solutions (2024).
  39. E. Somanathan et al., “The Impact of Temperature on Productivity and Labor Supply: Evidence from Indian Manufacturing,” Journal of Political Economy 129, no. 6 (2021): 1797–827.
  40. Joshua Graff Zivin and Matthew Neidell, “Temperature and the Allocation of Time: Implications for Climate Change,” Journal of Labor Economics 32, no. 1 (2014): 1–26.
  41. Donghyeon Yu et al., “Resilience of Consumer City under Heatwaves,” Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society, June 23, 2026, rsag020.
  42. British Retail Consortium, “Footfall Takes a Hit as Heatwave Pushes Shoppers Indoors,” July 10, 2026.
  43. Xolile Mkhize and Thobani Cele, “Market Shocks, Climate Vulnerability, and Income Loss in Informal Indigenous Food Systems: Evidence from Street Vendors in Durban, South Africa,” Frontiers in Nutrition 12 (September 2025): 1621204.
  44. Toby Peters, Cold-Chains in Developing Economies : A Techno-Socio-Economic Structural Development Challenge – Background Paper (World Bank, 2019); UN Environment Programme and Food and Agriculture Organization of the UN, Sustainable Food Cold Chains: Opportunities, Challenges and the Way Forward (2022).
  45. UN Environment Programme, Global Cooling Watch 2025: The Free Degrees (2025).
  46. Nyamolo Abagi et al., “State of Play and Innovations in Off-Grid Refrigeration Technology: Lessons Learned from Current Initiatives,” Energy Efficiency 13, no. 2 (2020): 307–22.
  47. Caribou developed and conducted this research with Aareton Blue Africa and Yazi, both longstanding research collaborators that contributed their work pro bono. The two samples used non-probability convenience recruitment, with different recruitment channels, business profiles, geographic coverage, and questionnaires. The findings therefore describe participating businesses and should not be read as representative estimates of the prevalence of particular experiences across the wider MSE populations of the countries or markets included. Where questions were sufficiently comparable, Caribou examined patterns across the combined samples while retaining survey source and market in the analysis. The value of this rapid inquiry lies in identifying recurring experiences and mechanisms, examining variation, and generating hypotheses that can be tested through harmonized instruments and representative sampling in future research. The delivered datasets contain 507 (Aareton Blue) and 396 (Yazi) responses, collected in August and September 2026. Aareton Blue used interviewer-administered convenience recruitment in Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, South Africa, and Uganda. Yazi recruited through Facebook advertising for web and WhatsApp completion in New York City metro, London and South East England, Gauteng/Johannesburg, and Lagos. Yazi’s planned screening excluded mobile/outdoor trading and targeted fixed-premises businesses, with a few exceptions.
  48. R. Yanovich et al., “Sex Differences in Human Thermoregulation: Relevance for 2020 and Beyond,” Physiology 35, no. 3 (2020): 177–84; Darshnika P. Lakhoo et al., “A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Heat Exposure Impacts on Maternal, Fetal and Neonatal Health,” Nature Medicine 31 (2025): 684–94.
  49. Olivia K. Leach et al., “Sex Differences in Heat Stress Vulnerability among Middle-Aged and Older Adults (PSU HEAT Project),” American Journal of Physiology-Regulatory, Integrative and Comparative Physiology 327, no. 3 (2024); Rachel E. Gilworth et al., “Mapping the Evidence on the Impact of Heat Stress on Exercise and Work Performance in Females: A Scoping Review,” Frontiers in Physiology 16 (June 2025).
  50. World Bank, Strengthening Access to Finance for Women-Owned SMEs in Developing Countries (2011), pp. 6–7. The underlying analysis defines very small firms as having 5–9 employees, small firms as having 10–49 employees, and medium-sized firms as having 50–250 employees. It estimates women’s ownership at 32%–39%, 30%–36%, and 17%–21%, respectively.
  51. Global Entrepreneurship Research Association, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor Special Report: Women’s Entrepreneurship (2015), p. 8.
  52. Joanes Atela et al., “Climate Change Adaptation among Female-Led Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises in Semi-Arid Areas: A Case Study from Kenya,” Centre for Climate Change Economics and Policy Working Paper No. 338, Grantham Research Institute on Climate Change and the Environment, October 2018, pp. 8, 14. That study is partly agricultural and therefore provides evidence of a mechanism rather than direct evidence about Caribou’s non-agricultural target population.
  53. CGAP, Diverse Paths: Finance for Women’s Nano and Micro Enterprises (2025). See also IFC, The Silent Adapters: Uncovering the Resilience of Smaller Firms in Developing Countries (2026), .
  54. CGAP, Diverse Paths: Finance for Women’s Nano and Micro Enterprises (2025), pp. 3–4, 25. CGAP defines a nano enterprise as an own-account business without consistently paid workers and distinguishes it from a microenterprise with regular paid workers.
  55. Karl Larsson, “Parametric Heat Wave Insurance,” Journal of Commodity Markets 31 (September 2023): 100345.

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